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  • 6月 24 週四 201011:02
  • FED維持低利率

美联储官员:美联储应将基准利率升至1%
新华网华盛顿6月3日电 美国联邦储备委员会下属的堪萨斯城联储银行行长托马斯 赫尼希3日表示,美联储应该在今年夏季结束前将基准利率上调至1%,因为美国经济已经足够支撑这样的调整。
  赫尼希当天在一个商务午餐会上说,最近的经济数据预示经济可能强于预期,通货膨胀可能在明年继续维持低水平后迅速走高。他认为,为了避免在经济复苏形成势头时才突然大幅提高借贷成本,美联储应该结束其在非常时期维持超低利率的承诺,逐步上调基准利率。
  他建议,美联储应该在第一阶段将利率上调至1%,然后评估经济运行形势,如果经济复苏势头良好,联储应该“合理迅速地”将利率上调至3%。
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 6月 24 週四 201009:16
  • FED press release

FED Release Date: June 23, 2010
For immediate release
Information received since the Federal Open Market Committee met in April suggests that the economic recovery is proceeding and that the labor market is improving gradually. Household spending is increasing but remains constrained by high unemployment, modest income growth, lower housing wealth, and tight credit. Business spending on equipment and software has risen significantly; however, investment in nonresidential structures continues to be weak and employers remain reluctant to add to payrolls. Housing starts remain at a depressed level. Financial conditions have become less supportive of economic growth on balance, largely reflecting developments abroad. Bank lending has continued to contract in recent months. Nonetheless, the Committee anticipates a gradual return to higher levels of resource utilization in a context of price stability, although the pace of economic recovery is likely to be moderate for a time.
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 6月 21 週一 201023:47
  • 白宮幕僚長拉姆‧伊曼紐爾可能辭職

白宮“大總管”據傳與奧巴馬政見不和 或將辭職
據外媒報道,有消息指,白宮“大總管”拉姆‧伊曼紐爾已經開始厭倦奧巴馬核心團隊的“理想主義”,他可能將于今年年底辭職。
  華盛頓知情人士稱,伊曼紐爾可能將在接下來6到8個月內提出辭呈。現年50歲的白宮辦公廳主任伊曼紐爾與奧巴馬保持著良好的工作關係,但是外界認為,他們因政見不和,伊曼紐爾可能只能走完4年任期的一半。
  報道稱,注重務實的伊曼紐爾與持理想主義的奧巴馬核心團隊一直存有爭執。伊曼紐爾生硬的風格也令很多人不舒服,他因為不能促成奧巴馬的一些立法提案順利通過,而令奧巴馬的很多親密顧問感到失望。據悉,在醫療改革方面,伊曼紐爾就與奧巴馬有很大的分歧。
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 6月 09 週三 201000:56
  • 主跑白宮資深記者 失言宣布退休


主跑白宮資深記者 失言宣布退休 
〔中央社〕主跑白宮新聞長達半世紀的資深記者湯瑪斯(Helen Thomas)今天宣布退休,且馬上生效。湯瑪斯日前對猶太人的尖酸言詞引發輿論批評,導致她今天決定退休。
湯瑪斯5月27日接受網站RabbiLIVE.com訪問時,就以色列與巴勒斯坦問題,脫口說出「以色列人應該滾出巴勒斯坦,回到他們在波蘭、德國、美國跟其他地方的老家」。
此一發言的敏感性在於,猶太人在二次大戰前,即散居波蘭與德國等地,但在遭德國與蘇聯迫害後,決定團結起來重返中東建國。這項發展也導致巴勒斯坦人失去國家與土地。
湯瑪斯現年89歲,為黎巴嫩移民後裔。她從1960年代起即負責白宮新聞,最早任職於「合眾國際社」(UPI),近10年是赫斯特報系的專欄作家。
湯瑪斯昨天原訂參加馬里蘭州比塞大一所高中的畢業典禮,但因家長抗議而被迫取消致詞。她在今天公開宣布,即日起退休。
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 5月 02 週日 201012:29
  • 全美5·1移民大游行 70城联合抗议亚州严苛移民法(僑報)

【侨报记者蔚宇5月1日洛杉矶报道】伸张移民权利的活动人士5月1日在全国范围内举行大规模示威,抗议亚利桑那州新出台的最严苛移民法,呼吁政府尽快推动移民法改革。包括华盛顿、纽约、洛杉矶、旧金山在内的至少70个美国城市都举行了大规模的游行、集会。其中洛杉矶的规模最大。
一周前,亚利桑那州正式签署通过一项严厉打击非法移民的新法案,这条法律将在几个月内开始生效,该法赋予警察拥有更大执法权,认定民众未随身携带移民证件属于犯罪行为,警察也可以任意逮捕怀疑是非法移民的民众。拉丁裔团体认为这条法律是种族歧视,一些人还准备以提起诉讼的形式来反对该法律。
5月1日,纽约有近万人,芝加哥有两万人,洛杉矶则有近20万人(警方声称,仅有5、6万人参与游行)走上街头示威抗议。
由数十个劳工移民团体及组织参与的2010年洛杉矶“移民大游行” 队伍从早上9时开始,就在洛杉矶城中聚集,几乎所有的人都拿着美国国旗,身穿白色的衣服,呼喊着移民改革。不少华人移民团体也参加了当日的游行,其中最引人注目的要数“醒狮团”。
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 4月 29 週四 201012:58
  • 高盛撞上奧巴馬槍口(大公網)




高盛撞上奧巴馬槍口/ 蔡恩澤


2010-4-28





 



尚未從希臘債務危機牽連中脫身的高盛雪上加霜,又遇欺詐指控。4月16日,美國證券交易委員會(SEC)向紐約曼哈頓聯邦法院提起民事訴訟,指控美國最大的投資銀行高盛集團在次級貸款業務金融產品問題上涉嫌欺詐投資者,造成投資者超過10億美元損失。


這起針對高盛的法律訴訟被認為是美國政府打擊金融危機期間金融衍生品欺詐的一次關鍵行動,也是奧巴馬決意推進金融改革、約束華爾街金融大佬放出的第一槍。 瞄準了華爾街 奧巴馬這位在金融危機的亂世中產生的「民選總統」,一上任就面臨著國家金融瀕臨崩潰、經濟一片蕭條的淒涼景象,小布什甩給他的是一副爛攤子。


此時,一向狂傲驕橫、揮金如土的華爾街金融大亨們掙扎在破產的死亡線上,貝爾斯登、雷曼兄弟相繼倒閉,花旗、高盛、摩根士丹利嗷嗷待哺。 風雨飄搖中的華爾街讓剛上任的奧巴馬頓生憐憫之心,從7800億美元救市資金中撥出巨款填補各大銀行的虧損窟窿。 可是政府的救援資金很快就被華爾街當成饕餮盛宴,從中挖出一大塊發獎金福利而「自肥」。


當得知這筆救援資金中的相當一部分被華爾街金融大亨們用來發獎金時,奧巴馬悖然大怒。他在同財政部長蓋特納會面後聲色俱厲地說道:「這是極端不負責任的行為。這是可恥的。我們要那些要求救援的華爾街金融機構,表現出一些克制、守紀和責任感。」


但華爾街尾大不掉,不拿奧巴馬的指責當回事,仍然我行我素,不但獎金照發,還恣意提高薪金,這讓奧巴馬很是沒面子,下不了台。他在後來的《國情咨文》中憤怒地將華爾街金融大佬們比喻為「肥貓」。奧巴馬的總統權威受到挑戰,他要給華爾街一點「顏色」看看。但一項更為棘手的事情擺在奧巴馬面前,這就是奧巴馬政府的醫療改革方案在國會遭到共和黨阻撓而擱淺。奧巴馬要集中精力游說國會議員們,試圖說服國會內部持不同政見者給醫改方案投贊成票,因而沒有時間來「收拾」華爾街這幫不知天高地厚的傢伙,只得忍氣吞聲放一放,等待「秋後算賬」。


如今醫改方案如願獲得國會通過,如釋重負的奧巴馬終於能騰出手來教訓華爾街,把槍口瞄準華爾街,捕捉目標,隨時準備扣動扳機。


高盛是「犧牲品」


這時候,倒霉的高盛撞到奧巴馬的槍口上了。 這段時間乃多事之秋,華爾街本來就是十分敏感的地帶,因為美國民主黨與共和黨正在進行一輪關於金融監管改革的角逐賽。共和黨極力反對奧巴馬政府的金融改革方案,主張對華爾街溫和一些、寬鬆一點。驢象之爭讓奧巴馬大為光火。


而深諳奧巴馬心事的美國證交會心有靈犀,4月16日急急忙忙地在奧巴馬槍口前豎起一隻靶子─高盛,將華爾街上這個肥得流油的金融大亨的劣跡公諸於世,並將其推向法院問責。


美國《洛杉磯時報》認為,對高盛開刀,是奧巴馬挽回近幾個月政治失利的好機會,這是他向世人的又一個宣誓:「我和我領導的民主黨正在懲治這些讓經濟崩潰的元兇。」美國財政部聽到高盛被起訴的消息後也開懷大笑。前一陣子他們一直在應對美國房價下跌和房屋止贖的措施,幾乎到了黔驢技窮的地步,現在民意終於把發泄的目標轉移到了高盛身上。


而奧巴馬上台一年來,幾乎沒有什麼政績可炫耀。他當初能夠當選,很大程度上得益於金融危機所激起的選民對共和黨的懲罰衝動,現在危機過去了,功勞卻是前任的。奧巴馬本身並無大的建樹。


現在,奧巴馬把高盛這隻「肥貓」拎出來示眾,是為他的政績加分,更是在國會中期選舉日益逼近之際,對民主黨不妙處境所做出的反應。


從這個意義上說,高盛是奧巴馬政治權謀中的「犧牲品」。 抑或虛晃一槍 其實高盛真有點「冤」,倘若不是奧巴馬急於出台金融改革方案,特別是加大對金融衍生品的監管力度,高盛也許還會逍遙法外。


從高盛與華盛頓的親密關係而言,奧巴馬本不該拿高盛示眾。且不說高盛與美國政府的人脈關係有多厚,高盛在官場上的「水」有多深,高盛一直憑藉其政治勢力公開與美國政府的減薪計劃對抗。就衝著奧巴馬競選總統時,高盛也「孝敬」過100萬美元助選經費這一點,奧巴馬也要放高盛一馬。 從這點上說,奧巴馬與高盛或許是在上演一齣苦肉計,在證交會起訴之下,高盛可能罰幾個錢了事,這對高盛這個龐大的金融帝國來說只是九牛一毛,根本不會走到破產這一步,畢竟是「大得不能倒」的龐然大物。


而等到奧巴馬政府的金融改革方案正式通過後,奧巴馬也會「槍下留人」,將高盛這隻「肥貓」放回家。奧巴馬還會暗中慰問,打一巴掌再按摩一下痛處。 但對於高盛來說,經過這一次「欺詐門」的折騰,從政治上說,顏面全無,其名譽和影響力必將受損,修復新形象需要時間。而作為投資銀行,最重要的核心競爭力就是市場信譽,靠偽造虛假信息來欺騙投資者容易「上癮」,有一回必定有十次。況且,人們不禁要問,既然在設計和銷售CDO(一種把多筆抵押貸款債務分割為可投資證券的複雜業務)產品時有欺詐行為,那麼在其他令人眼花繚亂的金融衍生品上,高盛就保證沒有欺詐嗎?





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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 4月 28 週三 201023:40
  • 美國這本爛帳… 歐巴馬急擬對策

美國這本爛帳… 歐巴馬急擬對策













【聯合晚報╱編譯陳澄和/路透華盛頓27日電】


2010.04.28 02:57 pm


http://www.cna.com.tw/ShowNews/Detail.aspx?pNewsID=201004280302&pType1=PD&pType0=aIPL&pTypeSel=&pPNo=1


 




就在歐洲債務危機擴大之際,歐巴馬總統27日告訴國家財政責任委員會 (NCFR),要考量所有可能的救濟措施,引導美國邁向健全的財政坦途。


包含18位跨黨派成員的NCDR 27日舉行首次會議,該小組由歐巴馬創立,主要功能是要集思廣益,抑制不斷膨脹的美國預算赤字。


歐巴馬說,NCFR可以毫不受限制地放手研議對策,但他拒絕討論委員會可能提出何種增加歲收或縮減支出的方案。


歐巴馬說:「很重要的一點是,我們對委員會檢討或建議的方向不能有任何限制,一切考量都是可行的。」


美國2009年的赤字高達1.4兆美元,接近經濟產值的10%,今年預料還會攀得更高。民眾對赤字與政府支出激增的憂慮,在11月的國會選舉中勢必扮演很重要的角色,共和黨將藉此大作文章,以從民主黨手中奪回國會的控制權。


歐巴馬說,當前的財政情勢要求「我們必須把政治擱置一旁,要多想想我們的下一代,少去想下一次選舉。」


標準普爾公司27日把希臘債券降為垃圾級,負債累累的葡萄牙債信也被連降兩級,造成歐洲、美國的金融市場都告大跌。


聯準會主席柏南克27日也告訴該委員會,美國的財政不可能再這樣走下去,「我們國家必須很快找出一套可信的方法,將赤字降到可以維續的水準。」


NCFR由民主黨籍的前柯林頓總統白宮幕僚長包爾斯,以及前共和黨參議員辛普森擔任共同主席。該委員會被要求在12月1日以前,也就是國會選舉結束的幾周後提出建議方案。





【2010/04/28 聯合晚報】




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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 3月 04 週四 201001:32
  • 保尔森披露金融危机与中美交锋内幕(瞭望週刊)

保尔森披露金融危机与中美交锋内幕
他描述说,他和王岐山相交15年,王是“一位值得信赖的老朋友”,“敢于采取大胆行动,并有狡猾的幽默感”
对许多美国人来说,前财长保尔森是一个颇有争议性的人物。赞誉者认为他力挽狂澜,从金融海啸中拯救了美国经济;批评者则认为,正是保尔森的失误酿就了金融海啸。
一次和保尔森聊天时,“股神”巴菲特调侃说:“好像奥巴马在当选后就不再跟你说话了。”保尔森则苦笑自嘲说:“你应该去掉‘好像’这个词。”
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  • 個人分類:美國
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  • 1月 29 週五 201000:19
  • Obama’s State of the Union Address

Obama’s State of the Union Address
http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-state-union-address
 
Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -– that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.
Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -– immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -– asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -– what they deserve -– is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.
You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."
It's because of this spirit -– this great decency and great strength -– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. (Applause.)
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.
It begins with our economy.
Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -– I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all.
To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Applause.)
Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.
That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. (Applause.)
I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)
Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right -– the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.
But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.
So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-– one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.
Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)
We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) They will. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.
We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -– where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.
From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (Applause.)
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