葛洛奇

港回歸13年 走過風雨民主路

路，是由人行出來的；香港民主之路，是由所有支持香港政制向前發展的人行出來的。自香港回歸以來，中央政府、特區政府和支持政制向前走的市民共同攜手，為推動香港的政制發展傾盡全力。雖然，這條回歸的路十分崎嶇，某些政團和人士不斷阻撓政制發展。但到了昨天，香港民主終於昂步向前。本報記者組

一九九七年七月一日，香港終於脫離英國殖民統治，回歸中國的懷抱。與港英政府刻意阻礙香港民主進程不同，中央政府和特區政府一直積極推動香港的民主發展。基本法清楚寫明，香港的行政長官和立法會最終經由普選產生，民主程度肯定超越《中英聯合聲明》。此外，基本法也列明了二○○七年前的行政長官產生辦法和立法會產生辦法。而之後的政制發展，則要透過「五部曲」逐步落實。

捆綁投票 原地踏步

二○○四年，當時的行政長官董建華成立香港政制發展專責小組，推動香港的政制發展。小組先後發表了數份報告書，報告草擬政制改革的進度；同年四月二十六日，全國人大常委會審議了特區政府提交的報告以及諮詢了香港各界的意見後，就香港二○○七年行政長官和二○○八年立法會的產生辦法作出決定。《決定》認為，香港應根據實際情況，循序漸進發展民主，暫不實行行政長官和立法會普選。

二○○五年，政府就二○○七年行政長官產生辦法和二○○八年立法會產生辦法提出具體的建議改革方案。在人大常委會《決定》的框架內，政改方案建議增加兩個選舉的民主成分。可惜的是，政改方案在主流民意支持下，竟然遭到一直掛著民主「光環」的反對派議員「捆綁」投下反對票，結果兩個決議案均僅得三十四票贊成，未能達到修改選舉辦法的最低門檻。香港的民主進程，就這樣停原地踏步了。

人大決定 豎里程碑

不過，中央政府及特區政府並沒有因此停下來。二○○七年，特區政府發表《政制發展綠皮書》，就普選模式諮詢市民意見。行政長官曾蔭權向人大常委會提交香港政制發展諮詢情況的報告。同年十二月二十九日，全國人大常委會作出決定，列明香港可於二○一七年普選行政長官、二○二○年可普選立法會，為香港民主發展豎立里程碑。二○○九年，特區政府就二○一二年的兩個選舉辦法展開公眾諮詢。

今年，是香港政制發展的關鍵一年。在中央政府、特區政府和香港多個政團的互動和溝通下，立法會分別在前日和昨日，通過了二○一二年行政長官選舉辦法和立法會選舉辦法的決議案。政改方案自回歸以來首次取得大部分議員的共識，為香港政制發展奠下堅實基礎，為香港邁向普選鋪平道路。

香港立法会通过政改方案导致民主派分裂

香港从北京得到相当宽容的政治独立地位。但是随着民众希望扩大民主的呼声日益升高，香港特区行政长官曾荫权去年11月不得不要求中央政府准许在香港这个前英国殖民地进行有限的宪政改革。曾荫权的提议导致香港的民主派系分裂。

经过三天的激烈辩论，香港特区行政长官及其政府星期五看到了他们的宪政改革方案得到立法会的批准。

这一方案要求在2012年前，扩大任命特首的选举委员会，并且要给香港六十议席的立法机构增加十个席位。

其中一半人将由民众直接选举，另一半被称为功能界别议席，立法会内已经有三十个这样的议席，它们基本上由亲北京的小型利益集团所拥有。

香港政府打算把这些功能界别议席分配给由下级地区委员会的仅405名成员所挑选的代表。

*反对党称该方案向普选迈出步子不大*

泛民主派的反对党争辩说，曾荫权的提议向普选迈出的步伐不够大。公民党领袖余若薇说：“香港政府应当领导民众来讨论逐步淘汰功能界别席位的路线图。维护这些席位、授权给少数人来否决多数人的意见是可耻的做法。”

*北京向民主党修正案的妥协使之得以通过*

这种改革方案原先看来不大可能在立法机构得到多数赞同票而获得通过。但是在最后关头，北京向民主党的修正案作了让步。

该修正案提议新的功能界别席位由全体香港三百八十万选民来选举，所依据的制度是所谓“一人，两票”。刘慧卿是民主党派中的资深立法会议员。

刘慧卿说：“ 曾荫权的信誉非常低。有迹象显示香港政治正日趋激进化。所以可能北京方面也认识到了这一点，虽然我不敢确定。但是这是不同寻常的进展。”

*政改方案通过导致民主派系分裂*

在民主党的帮助下，香港政府得以通过有关改革方案，然而香港的民主派系在二十年来的相对团结之后却变得四分五裂。

立法会议员郑家富由于这一协议而退出民主党，社会民主联盟的粱国雄也指责民主党叛变。

*分析人士认为达成和解只是时间问题*

香港特区长官曾荫权却赞扬民主党，称有关表决具有历史意义。他说，纷争和内斗扰乱香港已经有二十年之久。但是他说，如今显然已经可能统一意见、并且进行改革了。

在浸会大学主持政府研究的卡贝斯坦教授相信需要时间来达成和解，但是他从北京与民主党达成协议一事受到鼓舞。

他说：“ 北京显示出比人们所想象的更为世故成熟的一面。如今北京的任务是伸出友好之手，避免与不同意这次妥协方案的社会阶层继续疏离。”

在表决通过政改方案后，立法会将在今后几个月内再次开会，以拟定选举扩大的立法机构成员及特首选举委员会的措施。

For once, a Chinese political concession

AFTER five years of stalemate, a compromise between Hong Kong’s democrats and Chinese officials has paved the way for the approval of fiercely debated political reforms by the territory’s legislature. This spares the local government potential embarrassment. It will allow a majority of legislators to be elected by popular vote for the first time in Hong Kong’s history. For China, too, these will be uncharted waters.

Noisy demonstrations by hundreds of people outside the Legislative Council, or Legco, building in central Hong Kong suggested that the package will not end political feuding over the pace of democratic reform. The demonstrators accused the Democratic Party, the biggest pro-democracy group, of abandoning its principles by supporting the compromise. As The Economist went to press, Legco was still debating the most controversial reforms, of the next Legco election in 2012, but had approved changes to the election for the chief executive in the same year. Of Legco’s 60 members only a dozen or so were expected to vote against the Legco-related motion. Objectors say the package fails to spell out how Hong Kong will eventually achieve full democracy. One Democratic Party legislator quit the party in protest.

Yet the concessions made by the Chinese and Hong Kong government are more striking. The reforms will increase the number of Legco seats to 70 in the next elections. Five of the new seats will be directly elected, representing geographical constituencies. The other five will represent district councils, which look after local issues such as cultural events and environmental projects.

Originally China had opposed any change in the equal split in Legco between geographical seats and those for “functional constituencies”, returned by business, professional and other interest groups. Members chosen by functional constituencies are mostly pro-government. Their votes, added to those of the handful of directly elected pro-government legislators, ensure that on most issues the government and its backers in Beijing get their way.

Pro-democracy politicians demand that functional constituencies be scrapped by 2020, which is when China has promised “universal suffrage” for Legco elections. China is reluctant to abolish them. But during talks with Democratic Party leaders on June 20th, a senior Chinese official agreed to the party’s proposal for the five new seats reserved for district councillors to be chosen by a much bigger electorate. The candidates would be nominated by district councillors, but everyone who does not have a vote in another functional constituency (about 93% of the electorate) would be allowed to pick the winners.

Arcane and trivial though it sounds, this was a remarkable turnaround from earlier Chinese hints. Officials probably worried that if they did not concede the point, the political-reform package might be rejected by Legco. Changes in voting arrangements need the support of two-thirds of legislators, which in effect gives the pro-democracy camp a veto. In 2005 the government suffered a severe political blow when legislators turned down its first attempt at political reform.

The Democratic Party has been bitterly attacked by its ideological allies for abandoning its earlier insistence on popular elections for all seats in 2012. They say that by accepting an expanded electoral base for the district council-filled seats, the Democratic Party has implicitly endorsed the idea of functional constituencies, and made it even harder to persuade China to abolish them.

Approval of the package means Donald Tsang, Hong Kong’s chief executive, no longer has to worry about leaving office in 2012 having made no progress towards greater democracy. That remains a stated goal of his and China’s governments, much as China clearly hopes to load the dice against democrats. It is for Mr Tsang’s successor, and new leaders who will take over in China too in 2012, to do battle with the democrats over the next steps.